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Bolivians acting in large numbers overthrew governments in 1979, 1982, 2003, 2005, and 2019. Only in 2019 did the new govt begin new killings. That's what happens when a minority party conspires w/ military hardliners to claim the state. @glla_p/1372877775225417729On twitter.com
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I've spent the last decade studying how Bolivians overthrow their government, and how disruptive protest is a form of participation in protest. sovereignstreet.orgPermalink On twitter.com
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One key feature of recent Bolivian history is the use of these methods across the political spectrum.Permalink On twitter.com
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The right–center–disaffected left coalition that protested in October 2019 followed that path. It was not illegitimate for it to demand Evo's resignation.Permalink On twitter.com
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But every extraparliamentary overthrow from 1979 to 2005 had two things in common that Áñez failed to do: de-escalating violence, and a tight focus on rebuilding electoral legitimacy.Permalink On twitter.com
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No other post-crisis government shot two dozen people in its first month in office.Permalink On twitter.com
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No other post-crisis government arrested hundreds of people, torturing many of them.Permalink On twitter.com
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In my view, these human rights disasters were a product not of the broader protest coalition, but of the smaller right wing–military conspiracy thst coalesced behind Áñez.Permalink On twitter.com
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Bolivia's hard right did not win the 2019 election, it placed a distant third. Its apparent plan was to use an interim administration to disqualify the MAS-IPSP and launch new presidential campaigns.Permalink On twitter.com
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So it's understandable when members of that protest coalition adamantly claim there wasn't a coup. And feel authorship of the Morales ouster.Permalink On twitter.com
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What still surprises me is their nonchalant acceptance of the deadly crackdown that followed.Permalink On twitter.com