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Former interim president Jeanine Áñez and several of her ministers have been arrested (or face arrest warrants) as Bolivian prosecutors pursue a criminal case on the 2019 coup d'ètat. la-razon.com/nacional/2021/03/13/la-expresidenta-jeanine-anez-es-aprehendida-y-trasladada-a-la-paz/
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Áñez, a junior senator before her elevation, executed a series of parliamentary maneuvers to declare herself acting president of the Senate, then president of the republic on November 12, 2019. woborders.blog/2020/01/08/tick-tock-evo-overthrow/
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These actions on the Senate floor took place after some legislative leaders had resigned and while others with Evo Morales' MAS-IPSP stayed away, either in fear for their lives or in protest of what they saw as an illegitimate process. erbol.com.bo/nacional/jeanine-a%C3%B1ez-%E2%80%9Casumo-de-inmediato-la-presidencia-del-estado%E2%80%9D
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These actions were coordinated with a range of opposition leaders behind the scenes, led in part by Jorge "Tuto" Quiroga, a former president who joined Áñez's cabinet. nytimes.com/2019/11/24/world/americas/how-an-unknown-female-senator-came-to-replace-the-bolivian-president-evo-morales.html
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This parliamentary succession had dubious legality, but was endorsed after the fact by the Plurinational Constitutional Tribunal, one example of many of the repeated subordination of prosecutors and judges to the government in power.
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Evo Morales' ouster happened through at least three overlapping mechanisms: 1. a widening protest campaign that demanded and won Morales' resignation 2. coordination btw the far right and part of the security forces who sought a crackdown 3. this succession
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Áñez bridged 1 & 3 and then rewarded the coordinators of 2 with positions in the cabinet and (apparently) command of the military. She also bears command responsibility for the Sacaba and Senkata massacres.
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That said, a society that has a tradition of disruptive protests that demand presidents resign should be cautious when and how it criminalizes extraconstitutional succession. I would stay away from criminalizing 1 because that's a never-ending cycle of prosecutions.
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On the other hand, deterring military meddling in succession, setting some guard rails on protests (e.g., keeping them unarmed, banning arsons of politicians' homes), and prosecuting state massacres are all important.
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The credibility of such prosecutions rests on the strength of evidence, and the application of accountability across political party. (This is the part where a strong, nonpartisan prosecutor's office and judiciary would be helpful.)
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I'm personally more anxious to see prosecutions of the post-coup massacres, where the facts aren't in serious dispute.