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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde I've included as many examples as I can of pro-MAS violence in my review of the period. I see 13 partisan political deaths caused by the MAS and 13 endured by them.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde I've been interested in government-encouraged countermobilization as a political strategy since at least my dissertation (completed 2013). But I would argue the pattern of violence is different than you think…Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde Here are the deaths in the 2006-2008 political crisis, when opposition movements attempted to shut down the Constituent Assembly and declare five departments autonomous of the central government.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde In the first event, pro-government movements in Cochabamba mobilized against their anti-Evo prefect, and then clashed with armed civic movement protesters, leading to three deaths on January 11, 2007 (two on the pro-MAS side).Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde Much to the chagrin of the urban protesters I interviewed, Evo Morales and the cocalero movement pushed hard to demobilize after these deaths, saving their energy for a 2008 referendum to remove prefect Manfred Reyes Villa.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde In the November 2007 "La Calancha" clash, it was police vs. civic movement protester. Three of the latter died. Again the goverment reacted by de-escalating, removing police from Sucre altogether til tensions calmed, despite numerous civic movement arsons.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde The Morales goverment, in my view correctly, perceived that security forces killing opposition protesters would get them labeled authoritarian. And they did mobilize supporters in 2008, but not to kill.On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde Pro-MAS demonstrations blockaded capital cities in the Media Luna and sometimes marched on them. These protests absorbed 11 deaths in Pando, and inflicted one (through beating) in Santa Cruz. That's the first period of countermobilization, 2006-08.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde From 2010 to 2015, you see frequent MAS efforts to organize counter-demonstrators to grassroots left protests: blockades of lowland indigenous marches, anti-labor mobilizations by campesinos, Conisur vs TIPNIS. Little confrontation.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde Inside numerous social movements—CIDOB, CONAMAQ, ADEPCOCA, etc.—there were numerous schisms and pro- and anti-MAS forces sometimes came to blows. But only beginning in 2016 do these situations polarize into deadly violence…Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde … and in the relevant scenarios, except the El Alto fire, it is generally the security forces who killed any oppositional movement members: as in the Yungas cocalero movement and the 2016 cooperative miners' strike.Permalink On twitter.com
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@DiegoJEsca @Pichicateru @CFValverde So there are a number of narrative threads, but don't make the Morales government directly responsible for many more of the deaths during this period. And often, outsourcing to movements meant replacing potentially lethal crowd control with nonlethal mobilization.Permalink On twitter.com